This was the question that a team of us at The Fletcher School at Tufts University set out to answer in our study “<a href="http://fletcher.tufts.edu/Institute-for-Human-Security/Research/Migration-Crisis-and-State-Fragility/Financial-Mobility-of-Refugees">The Financial Journey of Refugees</a>.” We studied the routes and financial challenges of more than 100 refugees in Greece, Jordan and Turkey, between July 2016 and April 2017. The refugees we interviewed had traveled from South Asia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and West Africa.

Regardless of their country of origin, with the exception of Syria, a refugee’s biggest expense was the cost of hiring a smuggler. Smuggling expenses ran about 85 percent of the total cost of the journey. The smuggler’s fee included important services: travel by air or overland, depending on the refugee’s budget, guide services across borders, payment of bribes at border crossings, and documentation falsification expenses. Smuggling prices varied widely by country of origin (some borders being porous, others sealed tight), by how deluxe a trip was (air versus ground), by numbers of borders crossed (affecting the number of falsified IDs required). To give an example, journeying overland from Afghanistan through Pakistan, Iran, and Turkey to Greece might cost $7,500 per person, a price that went up or down based on shifting rules and border crackdowns. Traveling from Eritrea to Greece might cost the same amount. Traveling from Syria to Turkey could cost as little as $500.

The price of the journey was one factor in a traveler’s safety – the higher the cost, the better the traveling modes, and the safer the travel. While what refugees paid their smuggler was important, how they paid them was equally important. Did the refugee pre-pay the kingpin smuggler in advance of the journey? Did she post-pay him after arriving safely in Greece or Germany? Did she pay leg by leg? All these strategies were in play and we outline them in our <a href="http://fletcher.tufts.edu/~/media/Fletcher/Microsites/Human%20Security/Final%20Journeys_Briefing%20Paper.pdf">report summary</a> and they are detailed by the refugees themselves in a <a href="http://fletcher.tufts.edu/~/media/Fletcher/Microsites/Human%20Security/Compendium%20Financial%20Journeys%20%20Publication.pdf">Compendium of Field Notes</a>. Below we describe two of many strategies.
<h3>Strategy 1: Guarantee Scheme via a Financial Third Party</h3>
Money agent networks, often informal, span from Pakistan to Germany, and around the world. These networks—dubbed Eastern Union by a Jordanian regulator—do far more than transfer funds from person A to person B. They will store funds for later disbursement or, if instructed, will shunt funds directly to smugglers. For example, a journeyer traveling overland from Kabul to Athens might visit a money agent in Kabul (a saraf) who will take her deposit for $7,500. When she arrives safely to her first waypoint, which could be in Zahedan, Iran, she texts a code to her saraf. The code, incidentally, would have been randomly generated by the saraf’s app before her departure and she would have memorized it. By sending the code, the refugee signals her safe arrival at the Zahedan waypoint. The saraf then forwards a predetermined sum to the kingpin smuggler, using a network of couriers and other money agents to get him his funds. The kingpin in turn deploys a combination of banks and money agents to make sure his local smugglers get paid.

There is no single way this system of guarantee works. It is customized, improvised upon, and individually negotiated by various actors. In some instances, there is no code. In others, there are several codes. In some instances, the kingpin smuggler chooses the saraf. In others, the refugee chooses the saraf. In Syria, the third party is often a shopkeeper who charges $50 to insure the journey. In Iran, the money agent charges a percentage (often 10 percent) of transactions.
<h3>Strategy 2: Crowdsourcing via Kin</h3>
Typically, crowdsourcing via kin is a pre-payment strategy, but not always. We interviewed refugees who were held hostage by smugglers at various points along their routes. When relatives—sometimes a circle of relatives both forward and backward along the route—paid up, the hostage refugee was released to be smuggled farther along her route.

Often crowdsourcing came in the form of pre-payments along various points in a route. For example, traveling from Eritrea to Greece, a journeyer might signal a relative in Khartoum to fund trip expenses. The relative in Khartoum would crowdsource funds from family members in multiple countries across Europe and North America. She might use Zain, a mobile money system, to collect the funds and hold them in Khartoum. She would then secure a smuggling network to help the Eritrean refugee cross to Sudan. The kingpin smuggler would be paid via a courier upon the refugee’s safe arrival in Khartoum. If the Eritrean refugee wanted to continue north to Turkey, Greece or Northern Europe, another round of crowdsourcing would begin. Again, the relative would make payment to the smuggler after the refugee’s safe arrival. In some cases, to ensure compensation, the smuggler will stay with the refugee in a safe house until he has received his payment via Western Union or an informal money agent.

Said one refugee: “It’s a collective system. All Eritreans understand each other on this.” The understanding is that she does not have to pay her relatives back, but she is expected to pay her debt forward: when someone else in her network tries to escape Eritrea, she is expected to do her part to financially support his or her expenses.

What do these strategies mean for providers of financial services? Clearly suppliers cannot legally, knowingly pay smugglers. But, perhaps there are other forms of financial assistance that are perfectly legal.

First, licit travel is often part of a route and could be better insured. For example, a refugee may be able to obtain a visa to a transit country and would like to secure legal travel there. But, because prior legs of the journey may be cobbled together through smugglers, the refugee cannot predict when they will reach the transit country. Insurance could help offset this uncertainty. Too often providers are skeptical that people need financial education to understand sophisticated insurance products. As long as the systems are familiar and offer value, refugees both literate and illiterate, will master them quickly. Second, providers believe that people don’t like to save, but, we found that saving for a purpose—journey preparation—is valuable. Surely, there are many legal ways to assist refugees to accumulate savings for journey purposes. And just as surely, clever suppliers could find ways for refugees to easily access those licit savings along their journey. Third, the ubiquity of informal agents could lead to service expansion. Can trusted informal money agents be co-opted and certified within a legal framework in much the same way that Uber has recruited its drivers?

Have you read?

<a href="https://cfi-blog.org/2017/03/09/the-digital-demands-of-the-displaced-dont-track-me-dont-expose-me-dont-cut-me-off/">The Digital Demands of the Displaced: Don't Track Me, Don't Expose Me, Don't Cut Me Off</a>

<a href="https://cfi-blog.org/2016/02/09/financial-inclusion-and-immigration-in-europe-disrupting-identity-norms/">Financial Inclusion and Immigration in Europe – Disrupting Identity Norms</a>

<a href="https://cfi-blog.org/2016/08/17/a-learners-license-to-master-the-rules-of-the-credit-road/">A Learner's License, To Master the Rules of the Credit Road</a>

Migration’s Middlemen and How to Pay Them

If you had to embark on a journey similar to that of the 65 million people who are currently forcibly displaced, what would you bring? Most likely among your provisions would be a smartphone. Phones are the contemporary map and compass, a gateway to critical information, a means for keeping in touch with loved ones, and a financial toolkit. <a href="http://www.gsma.com/mobilefordevelopment/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/The-Importance-of-mobile-for-refugees_a-landscape-of-new-services-and-approaches.pdf">More and more</a>, aid workers are witnessing refugees arriving at camps with smartphones. For both the refugee journey and the post-journey settlement process, a phone can be vital. With this in mind, you might not be surprised to learn that mobile money usage among refugees, including for cash transfers from governments and NGOs, is on the rise.

GSMA reports that the end of 2015, there were <a href="http://www.gsma.com/mobilefordevelopment/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/SOTIR_2015.pdf">271 operating mobile money systems</a> across 93 countries, with over 400 million registered accounts globally. At the same time, the Center for Global Development <a href="https://qz.com/750020/the-deceptively-simple-economic-case-for-giving-refugees-cash-not-stuff/">estimates</a> that the vast majority of aid to refugees is given in monetary form. Most aid is provided either through vouchers that can be used for specific purchases or in-kind donations of items like blankets, heaters, and bags of rice. There’s growing evidence suggesting that not only are cash aid transfers <a href="https://qz.com/750020/the-deceptively-simple-economic-case-for-giving-refugees-cash-not-stuff/">superior to vouchers and in-kind aid</a>, but that mobile money is the <a href="http://www.gsma.com/mobilefordevelopment/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/The-Importance-of-mobile-for-refugees_a-landscape-of-new-services-and-approaches.pdf">optimal vehicle for cash transfers</a>.

Most refugees use mobile phones extensively, with higher internet usage rates than the general population, according to a study from the Oxford University Humanitarian Innovation Project, “<a href="https://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/refugeeeconomies">Refugee Economies: Rethinking Popular Assumptions</a>”. In some cases refugees even buy a new SIM card <a href="https://www.trulioo.com/blog/financial-support-for-refugees-displaced-people/">each time they enter a new country</a> in order to navigate their way to the next border. Governments and aid agencies are recognizing this trend and re-thinking how they support this vulnerable population. And for their part, mobile network operators (MNOs) increasingly see refugees as a new, viable customer base as well as an opportunity to contribute services to highly vulnerable people.

A <a href="http://www.gsma.com/mobilefordevelopment/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/The-Importance-of-mobile-for-refugees_a-landscape-of-new-services-and-approaches.pdf">new report from GSMA</a> offers a handful of vignettes that illustrate the growing pervasiveness of phone-based financial services in refugee communities:
<ul>
 	<li>In Pakistan, which has the third-largest refugee community in the world, the government is the primary source of cash assistance for displaced individuals, and the majority of cash transfers are completed via mobile money. Four of the market’s top five MNOs are active participants in the mobile money disbursement programs.</li>
 	<li>In Uganda, GSMA surveyed refugees both in and outside camps and found that almost half of them used mobile money, mainly to receive remittances from family and friends. Recently, the MNO Orange Uganda built a tower in the Nakivale camp to support the launch of its mobile money service targeting the refugee population.</li>
 	<li>Refugees in Rwanda are regular users of mobile money. Some are even working as mobile money agents.</li>
</ul>
Mobile money presents refugees with deepening financial inclusion opportunities. Large barriers persist to refugees adopting and using such services, but when given the opportunity, refugees and internally displaced populations use mobile money in the same ways that other populations do: for remittances, person-to-person payments, merchant payments, loans, and savings.

Potentially most crucial for refugees are international remittances, either to send money home or to receive money from home. The international remittances market has been disrupted by mobile money in recent years, with transfers via phone <a href="http://www.gsma.com/mobilefordevelopment/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/The-Importance-of-mobile-for-refugees_a-landscape-of-new-services-and-approaches.pdf">21 percent</a> cheaper on average than standard money transfer operations. And such services are spreading fast. In fact, international remittances are the fastest-growing mobile money service. One can now send international remittances via mobile money between more than 20 countries worldwide, particularly in regional markets, i.e., between neighboring countries. High rates of adoption are seen in several markets in which these services recently launched, including Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Mali, and Senegal.

Whether in settlement camps or post-settlement, refugees seek to quickly build new lives. To this end, they use person-to-person and merchant payments not only for consumption purposes, but also as livelihood-building and business tools. Eighty-nine percent of refugees in Kampala use their mobile phones to generate income, according to “Rethinking Popular Assumptions”. Phones can help refugees find employment, access market information, and run micro-businesses. A mobile money ecosystem also presents employment opportunities for ancillary services like selling phone charging services, mobile phone repair, and serving as mobile money agents. Mobile money empowers refugees to create or boost existing markets – for food, clothing, financial services, and more.

In addition to mobile money, we’ve seen an array of initiatives from governments and NGOs that pair aid with other digital financial services:
<ul>
 	<li>Lebanon hosts the most refugees per capita in the world with 1.2 million individuals. Aid organizations like the International Rescue Committee (IRC) <a href="https://cfi-blog.org/2016/11/15/the-future-of-refugee-financial-inclusion/">issue ATM cards</a> for refugees to access cash benefits, taking advantage of the fully-functioning distribution networks of merchants and ATMs available in the country.</li>
 	<li>In Syria, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&amp;rct=j&amp;q=&amp;esrc=s&amp;source=web&amp;cd=1&amp;cad=rja&amp;uact=8&amp;ved=0ahUKEwi_nNidh47SAhUqw1QKHUnmAIQQFggcMAA&amp;url=https%3A%2F%2Fcfi-blog.org%2F2016%2F11%2F15%2Fthe-future-of-refugee-financial-inclusion%2F&amp;usg=AFQjCNECigBXaYLGABweP1wabi4C7_sZdA&amp;sig2=CIjwqfD6abOcndsGBat1RA">developed a small fleet</a> of mobile lending units to reach clients in areas without financial infrastructure.</li>
 	<li>On the island of Lesbos, Greece, Mercy Corps <a href="https://qz.com/750020/the-deceptively-simple-economic-case-for-giving-refugees-cash-not-stuff/">offers refugees debit cards</a> that connect to a bank account to help them build banking histories.</li>
 	<li>The Digital Finance Institute launched the <a href="http://www.digitalfinanceinstitute.org/?post_projects=childrens-adventure-camps">Banking on Refugees project</a> which is piloting a cloud-based branchless bank that harnesses biometric identification and digital payment solutions, including prepaid cards and e-wallets.</li>
</ul>
However, a number of challenges impede the spread of mobile money-based humanitarian aid for refugees, as well as their uptake of broader mobile money services. These can come from both the supply and demand side. In some environments the mobile money ecosystem is still too nascent and not yet a viable option. In others, demand is weak, either because services are not sufficiently convenient or robust, or because of lack of customer awareness or familiarity. In its recent study, GSMA found that for refugees using mobile money, convenience and connectivity was more important than familiarity with the service, pointing to the importance of service and agent coverage and agent liquidity.

Proof of identity also poses a serious issue. <a href="https://cfi-blog.org/2016/11/15/the-future-of-refugee-financial-inclusion/">As discussed on this blog previously</a>, refugees often leave their home country without identity documentation, and sometimes even when they have it, the host country government may not have the technology and data needed to authenticate these documents. Lack of identification can impede refugees from buying SIM cards, owning mobile phones, and accessing mobile money and other financial services.

UNHCR in Jordan is mitigating this problem using biometrics. Refugees in the UNHCR program in Jordan <a href="https://qz.com/750020/the-deceptively-simple-economic-case-for-giving-refugees-cash-not-stuff/">receive iris scans</a> which are stored in the cloud. The UNHCR offers bank accounts for refugees through the Cairo Amman Bank. When refugees arrive at the bank’s ATMs, they look into a set of binoculars that scans and verifies their eyes, and they’re able to withdraw the money in their name.

Refugees are also often faced with the loss of the banking and credit histories they built in their home countries. We’ve <a href="https://cfi-blog.org/2016/11/15/the-future-of-refugee-financial-inclusion/">advocated before for credit history portability</a> for refugees, allowing refugees to be able to apply preexisting credit histories in the host country and, if they return home, to bring credit histories accumulated in host countries back with them.

Trulioo, a company that works in identity verification, <a href="https://www.trulioo.com/blog/financial-support-for-refugees-displaced-people/">asserts the potential</a> to use an individual’s cyber identity for identity verification and for enabling access to credit and other financial services. MNOs could serve as centralized, cross-border identifiers, by harnessing the user data and transaction histories linked to specific SIM cards. Additionally, aggregation of an individual’s online interactions, including of mobile money and online transactions could serve in place of credit histories to open financial doors.

But often it all comes back to the initial distribution of relief payments, where governments, NGOs, MNOs, and banks too often conduct business as usual. Although buy-in and coordination from these stakeholders is essential, many remain uncomfortable, unfamiliar, or unconvinced about the merits of cash transfers instead of vouchers or donated items, or about the merits of mobile money. Elizabeth MacBride of Quartz <a href="https://qz.com/750020/the-deceptively-simple-economic-case-for-giving-refugees-cash-not-stuff/">writes</a>, “One of the obstacles to donors shifting their giving to cash has been that the NGO edifice that funnels their money is built to resist its own destruction.” Indeed, mobile money cash transfers might be a more efficient and effective means to offer refugees crucial resources, but there are vested interests in the status quo. For example, in 2013 USAID shipped <a href="https://qz.com/750020/the-deceptively-simple-economic-case-for-giving-refugees-cash-not-stuff/">1.4 million metric tons</a> of food aid as part of the World Food Program. To accomplish this, roughly $70 million was spent on shipping. Food sellers and shippers are likely to be strong advocates of retaining the in-kind system.

A number of studies suggest that not only is cash aid more efficient than other aid forms, it’s ultimately more helpful for refugees. One study estimates that the savings on administration gleaned from the more efficient digital cash transfer programs could help the aid reach 30 percent more people for the same price. In 2014 IRC, in partnership with Yale and the University of Brasilia, published a rigorous evaluation of emergency cash distribution for refugees with the core finding that refugees <a href="http://mastercardcenter.org/action/mobile-money-transforming-financial-inclusion-refugees/">used the money for food as intended</a>, as opposed to spending it on cigarettes or alcohol. Another IRC report in Lebanon found that 87,700 families who were given $575 via ATM cards <a href="https://qz.com/750020/the-deceptively-simple-economic-case-for-giving-refugees-cash-not-stuff/">used the funds for essential purchases</a>, like food, clothing, fuel oil, and so forth. In both of these studies additional findings spoke to the entrepreneurial nature of refugees, who strive against extremely difficult odds to build new lives. In the first study it was calculated that for every $1 of cash assistance, $2 was created in local markets. In the second, with cash transfers instead of other aid forms, more children stayed in school because fewer families had to send their kids to work. Another study of Syrian refugees in Iraq found that <a href="https://qz.com/750020/the-deceptively-simple-economic-case-for-giving-refugees-cash-not-stuff/">70 percent</a> of individuals sold some of the aid they received in the form of rice. Compared to other forms of aid, cash transfers empower refugees to take action on behalf of themselves and smooth entry into their new country.

And digital channels for cash aid – whether mobile money or otherwise – offer a number of benefits over physical cash transfers. Digital finance offers greater transparency and the ability to track cash, which can combat the longstanding problem of corruption surrounding the physical handling of cash. And digital offers refugees greater security and safety from theft.

Sadly, the current refugee crisis is not going away any time soon. In the meantime, we applaud all those working to support these millions of individuals, through cash transfers, financial services, and other means.

Have you read?

<a href="https://cfi-blog.org/2016/09/20/financial-inclusion-of-refugees-an-introduction/">Financial Inclusion of Refugees: An Introduction</a>

<a href="https://cfi-blog.org/2016/09/27/financial-inclusion-of-refugees-azerbaijan-case-study/">Financial Inclusion of Refugees: Azerbaijan Case Study</a>

<a href="https://cfi-blog.org/2016/10/07/financial-inclusion-of-refugees-al-majmoua-in-lebanon/">Financial Inclusion of Refugees: Al Majmoua in Lebanon</a>

Refugees and Humanitarian Assistance: Which Kind of Aid Is Best?

&gt; Posted by Jami Solli, Independent Consultant and Founder of the Global Alliance for Legal Aid

[getty src="186885399?et=NLbLXYPuRkVyd9VL8jS1ZA&amp;sig=2-s9roviGofRMFIw5SyLs9pWGGujAgjAi34JWx6ID-Y=" width="506" height="339"]

As we acknowledge <a href="http://www.consumersinternational.org/our-work/wcrd/" target="_blank">World Consumer Rights Day</a>, celebrated on March 15th each year, recent news from South Africa on over-indebtedness reminded us of the findings from the <a href="http://www.smartcampaign.org/tools-a-resources/1030" target="_blank">What Happens to Microfinance Clients Who Default?</a> project. The South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) just reported that 50 percent of the country’s credit-active population is debt-impaired (meaning they are more than three months behind on bills and/or have a debt-related judgment), and another 15 percent of the population is debt-stressed (one to two months behind on bills). Essentially, more than half of South Africa’s population is over-indebted.

In reacting to this situation, the SAHRC has taken an approach drawn from a human rights-based framework. They have recognized freedom from oppressive, unsustainable debt levels is a human right. Similarly, in Greece, the birthplace of democracy, the government determined that under particular financial circumstances a fresh start is a human right. To address Greece’s growing problem of over-indebtedness, in 2010, Parliament passed a law which gives individuals the right to personal bankruptcy. The implementation of this legislation was also an attempt to harmonize the law with Article 5 of the Greek Constitution which protects citizens’ social and economic well-being. According to the new law, over-indebted individuals now have the possibility to restructure their debts, reducing both interest rates and total amounts owed. The prerequisite is that the individual’s inability to repay needs to be considered a permanent condition.

In the countries we analyzed for the Center for Financial Inclusion’s What Happens to Microfinance Clients Who Default? research (Peru, India, and Uganda), there is no similar legal recognition of the right to a fresh start available to those at the base of the pyramid, nor did we find effective MFI or other government infrastructure widely available to microfinance borrowers in debt distress. Perhaps Peru comes closest to this because its consumer protection authority, INDECOPI, offers debt mediation services with creditors on behalf of debt-stressed individuals. Participation in the process is voluntary and costs individuals approximately US$1,500. If an accord is not reached, the parties can continue with a standard bankruptcy filing. Cost and other factors make the mediation service unlikely to be of use to the majority of interested microfinance borrowers. If debt mediation services were available at a more affordable price and perhaps offered under the auspices of Peru’s banking superintendent (SBS), debt relief or a fresh start could become a possibility for debt-stressed micro-borrowers. The involvement of the SBS could give the mediators more clout with creditors that might otherwise be reluctant to participate.

In India we found a program promoted by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) in 2009 for banks to create financial literacy and credit counseling centers (FLCC) to help in preventative and "curative" counseling for distressed, low-income borrowers. In theory these centers could help distressed borrowers negotiate a debt management plan, subject to approval by one or more creditors. Unfortunately an evaluation showed that the FLCCs were underutilized, the banks lacked incentives to promote them, and ultimately the target clients were not reached. In Uganda, we found no evidence for institutional or market-level processes in place to counsel or rehabilitate microfinance clients.

Why such a dearth of opportunities? The reality is that someone must pay for these services and they are difficult to design in a way that is affordable for both the mediation provider and the users of the system, especially for small value loans. As we noted in <a href="http://www.smartcampaign.org/tools-a-resources/1030" target="_blank">the paper</a>, Belgium has mandated that financial institutions contribute to the running costs of its debt mediation program. Participating Belgian financial institutions must contribute according to their percentage of defaults in the market in the prior year, which is used as a measure of each institution’s responsibility for contributing to over-indebtedness in the market. This is an interesting approach because it 1) incentivizes financial institutions to take measures to prevent over-indebtedness, and 2) makes institutions accountable for rehabilitating those who have become over-indebted.

From a client protection perspective, when the industry knows that a percentage of its clients will fail in their efforts to repay, there should be a process for debtor rehabilitation that respects the debtor’s need for a financial future. Of course we recognize that some microfinance clients may never have intended to repay. This blog post does not relate to the fraudsters. But shouldn’t clients with good intent deserve the chance to work towards a clean slate? These opportunities are not offered by the microfinance industry nor are standard bankruptcy procedures feasible for clients at the base of the pyramid. For World Consumer Rights Day, my plea is to make debt rehabilitation a standard offering in the microfinance industry and something we achieve in 2015.

Have You Read?

<a href="http://cfi-blog.org/2015/02/09/taking-it-from-the-top-how-market-infrastructure-sets-the-rhythm-of-default-management/" target="_blank">Taking It from the Top - How Market Infrastructure Sets the Rhythm of Default Management</a>

<a href="http://cfi-blog.org/2015/02/02/two-sides-of-a-default-coin/" target="_blank">Two Sides of a Default Coin</a>

<a href="http://cfi-blog.org/2013/10/11/d-is-for-default-now-available-in-french-and-spanish/" target="_blank">"'D' Is for Default" Now Available in French and Spanish</a>

On World Consumer Rights Day: the Right to Financial Rehabilitation for the Over-Indebted

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Jami Solli

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South Africa is a global hub for fintech innovation. Accion supports and advises South African innovators using technology to help entrepreneurs expand their businesses and families protect their homes around the world.

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Migration’s Middlemen and How to Pay Them

Refugees and Humanitarian Assistance: Which Kind of Aid Is Best?

On World Consumer Rights Day: the Right to Financial Rehabilitation for the Over-Indebted